ספעשיל קאנסיל מולער'ס אויספארשונג - והמסתעף

נייעס אויפ'ן פאליטישן ארענע

די אחראים: יאנאש,אחראי,געלעגער

abeg
שר שבעת אלפים
תגובות: 7625
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג סעפטעמבער 20, 2016 3:43 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך abeg »

FBI and Justice Department officials have told congressional investigators in recent days that they have not been able to verify or corroborate the substantive allegations of collusion between Russia and the Trump campaign outlined in the Trump dossier.
http://www.washingtonexaminer.com/fbi-h ... le/2641207
א פייער ברענט אין הארץ פון א יוד

שריי אויס בקול רם
בחר בנו מכל עם
א זכיה צו זיין א יוד
אוועטאר
כאניש וואס צו טון
שר עשרים אלף
תגובות: 22317
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: מאנטאג סעפטעמבער 04, 2017 6:18 pm
לאקאציע: אפן וועג צום ארבייט
פארבינד זיך:

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך כאניש וואס צו טון »

דער יוד דעילי האט געשריבן:וואשינגטאן – ראב גאלדסטאון, דער פובליציסט וועלכער האט געהאלפן אראנזשירן די קאנטראווערסיאלע זיצונג אום יוני יאר 16' אין טראמפ טאוער, וואו עס האבן זיך געטראפן טראמפ'ס זוהן דאנעלד דזשוניאר מיט דער רוסישער לאיערקע נאטאלי וועסעלניצקאיא, האט נעכטן געגעבן א לענגערע אינטערוויו פאר'ן "סאנדעי טיימס" אין לאנדאן, וואו ער דערציילט צום ערשטן מאל אין פובליק פארשידענע דעטאלן איבער דער זיצונג. גאלדסטאון זאגט אז ווען ער האט אראנזשירט די זיצונג, האט ער עס בכלל נישט געטאן אין שליחות פון דער רוסישער רעגירונג אדער סיי וועלכע רוסישע שפיאנאזש אגענטור. ער זאגט אז ער ווייסט קלאר אז ער האט נישט געהאט קיין שום ארבעט און אנווייזונגען פון רוסישע שפיאנאזש אגענטורן, נאר ער האט געסקעדזשועלט די זיצונג אויף דער ביטע פונעם רוסישן אליגארף עמין אגאלאראוו, און וועלנדיג אז טראמפ דזשוניאר זאל מסכים זיין צו דער זיצונג, האט ער איבערגעטריבן און געשריבן אז מ'גייט ברענגען שמוץ קעגן פרוי קלינטאן. "דזשעראד קושנער איז ממש געווען אויס מענטש", ווען ער האט איינגעזען אז וועסעלניצקאיא האט בכלל נישט געברענגט קיין שמוץ אויף קלינטאן – זאגט גאלדסטאון.
די לעכטיגע טעג זענען שוין נענטער ווי ווייטער!
אוועטאר
כאניש וואס צו טון
שר עשרים אלף
תגובות: 22317
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: מאנטאג סעפטעמבער 04, 2017 6:18 pm
לאקאציע: אפן וועג צום ארבייט
פארבינד זיך:

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך כאניש וואס צו טון »

דער יוד דעילי האט געשריבן:וואשינגטאן – א פרישער באריכט צייגט אז ראבערט מוללער האט געשיקט א פארלאנג צו דער יוסטיץ דעפארטמענט, פאר דאקומענטן אין פארבינדונג מיט דער רוסלאנד אויספארשונג. מוללער׳ס פארלאנג איז ספעציפיש געווען פאר אלע דאקומענטן און אימעילס וואס דער יוסטיץ דעפארטמענט האט, איבער דעם וואס טראמפ האט ארויסגעווארפן דזשעימס קאומי פון זיין פאזיציע אלס עף-בי-איי דירעקטאר. דער באריכט זאגט אויך אז מוללער און זיינע געהילפן האבן אנגעהויבן אויספארשן צי טראמפ האט פרובירט צו שטערן די אנגייענדיגע פעדעראלע אויספארשונגען איבער מעגליכע קאאפעראציע צווישן זיין קאמפיין און די רוסישע רעגירונג, וואס פילע באשולדיגן אז דאס וואס טראמפ האט ארויסגעווארפן קאומי, איז געווען "אבסטראקשען אוו דזשאסטיס", וואס באדייט אז טראמפ האט פרובירט צו שטערן יוסטיץ – א גאר הארבער קרימינאלער אקט. דאס ווייסע הויז האט זיך אנטזאגט צו רעאגירן צו די באריכטן.
די לעכטיגע טעג זענען שוין נענטער ווי ווייטער!
גאפל
שר האלף
תגובות: 1293
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: מאנטאג מארטש 14, 2016 9:52 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך גאפל »

Report: #JaredKushner worried #RobertMueller's investigation will "get" #DonaldTrump
https://t.co/aQsjRA4t7x
קיין נפקמ
שר חמש מאות
תגובות: 723
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג דעצעמבער 06, 2016 10:51 am

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך קיין נפקמ »

גאפל האט געשריבן:Report: #JaredKushner worried #RobertMueller's investigation will "get" #DonaldTrump
https://t.co/aQsjRA4t7x


אויך איך בין באזארגט, אויב מולער קען פארשן וואס אים שמעקט למשל טראמפ אלס פרעזידענט עלעקט פרובירן צו שתדלן פאר איזרעילי אינטערעסן און דאס אלעס מיט זיינע פיור דעמ' טיעם אף לויערס, פארוואס זאל ער זיך נישט זארגן ?

בד"וו איך געדענק נאך ווען מען האט געהייערט מולער צו פארשן רוסלאנד קאלוזשען
בוידעם
שר ששת אלפים
תגובות: 6639
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: זונטאג סעפטעמבער 18, 2011 6:15 pm
לאקאציע: אויבן אויפן בוידעם

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך בוידעם »

געדענקסט גוט, אבער דאס איז געקומען צו א גענצליכע אפשטעל נאכדעם וואס טראמפ האט קלאר געשטעלט אז פוטין האט אים אליין פארשפראכן אז ער האט גארנישט געטון.

אלזא, מיט די רוסלאנד אויספארשונג אין די זייט געלייגט, געבט זיך מוללער אפ מיט ארומיגע זאכן.
רצונינו לעשות רצוניך.
סאבסיטוט
שר האלף
תגובות: 1232
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: מיטוואך יולי 16, 2014 5:36 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך סאבסיטוט »

בוםםםםם

an Israeli source tells Vanity Fair, that a small group of Mossad officers and other Israeli intelligence officials took their seats in a Langley conference room on a January morning just weeks before the inauguration of Donald Trump.

The meeting proceeded uneventfully; updates on a variety of ongoing classified operations were dutifully shared. It was only as the meeting was about to break up that an American spymaster solemnly announced there was one more thing: American intelligence agencies had come to believe that Russian president Vladimir Putin had “leverages of pressure” over Trump, he declared without offering further specifics, according to a report in the Israeli press. Israel, the American officials continued, should “be careful” after January 20—the date of Trump’s inauguration. It was possible that sensitive information shared with the White House and the National Security Council could be leaked to the Russians.

A moment later the officials added what many of the Israelis had already deduced: it was reasonable to presume that the Kremlin would share some of what they learned with their ally Iran, Israel’s most dangerous adversary.

Currents of alarm and anger raced through those pres­ent at the meeting, says the Israeli source, but their superiors in Israel remained unconvinced and chose to ignore the prognostication
סאבסיטוט
שר האלף
תגובות: 1232
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: מיטוואך יולי 16, 2014 5:36 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך סאבסיטוט »

די פול ברעיקינג ניוז שאקינג רעפארט

Exclusive: What Trump Really Told Kislyak After Comey Was Canned

During a May 10 meeting in the Oval Office, the president betrayed his intelligence community by leaking the content of a classified, and highly sensitive, Israeli intelligence operation to two high-ranking Russian envoys, Sergey Kislyak and Sergey Lavrov. This is what he told them—and the ramifications.

On a dark night at the tail end of last winter, just a month after the inauguration of the new American president, an evening when only a sickle moon hung in the Levantine sky, two Israeli Sikorsky CH-53 helicopters flew low across Jordan and then, staying under the radar, veered north toward the twisting ribbon of shadows that was the Euphrates River. On board, waiting with a professional stillness as they headed into the hostile heart of Syria, were Sayeret Matkal commandos, the Jewish state’s elite counterterrorism force, along with members of the technological unit of the Mossad, its foreign-espionage agency. Their target: an ISIS cell that was racing to get a deadly new weapon thought to have been devised by Ibrahim al-Asiri, the Saudi national who was al-Qaeda’s master bombmaker in Yemen.


It was a covert mission whose details were reconstructed for Vanity Fair by two experts on Israeli intelligence operations. It would lead to the unnerving discovery that ISIS terrorists were working on transforming laptop computers into bombs that could pass undetected through airport security. U.S. Homeland Security officials—quickly followed by British authorities—banned passengers traveling from an accusatory list of Muslim-majority countries from carrying laptops and other portable electronic devices larger than a cell phone on arriving planes. It would not be until four tense months later, as foreign airports began to comply with new, stringent American security directives, that the ban would be lifted on an airport-by-airport basis.

In the secretive corridors of the American espionage community, the Israeli mission was praised by knowledgeable officials as a casebook example of a valued ally’s hard-won field intelligence being put to good, arguably even lifesaving, use.

Yet this triumph would be overshadowed by an astonishing conversation in the Oval Office in May, when an intemperate President Trump revealed details about the classified mission to Russia’s foreign minister, Sergey V. Lavrov, and Sergey I. Kislyak, then Russia’s ambassador to the U.S. Along with the tempest of far-reaching geopolitical consequences that raged as a result of the president’s disclosure, fresh blood was spilled in his long-running combative relationship with the nation’s clandestine services. Israel—as well as America’s other allies—would rethink its willingness to share raw intelligence, and pretty much the entire Free World was left shaking its collective head in bewilderment as it wondered, not for the first time, what was going on with Trump and Russia. (In fact, Trump’s disturbing choice to hand over highly sensitive intelligence to the Russians is now a focus of special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Trump’s relationship with Russia, both before and after the election.) In the hand-wringing aftermath, the entire event became, as is so often the case with spy stories, a tale about trust and betrayal.

And yet, the Israelis cannot say they weren’t warned.

In the American-Israeli intelligence relationship, it is customary for the Mossad station chief and his operatives working under diplomatic cover out of the embassy in Washington to go to the C.I.A.’s Langley, Virginia, headquarters when a meeting is scheduled. This deferential protocol is based on a realistic appraisal of the situation: America is a superpower, and Israel, as one of the country’s senior intelligence officials recently conceded with self-effacing candor, is “a speck of dust in the wind.”


Nevertheless, over the years the Israeli dust has been sprinkled with flecks of pure intel gold. It was back in 1956, when the Cold War was running hot, that Israeli diplomats in Warsaw managed to get their hands on the text of Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev’s top-secret speech to the Twentieth Party Congress in Moscow. Khrushchev’s startling words were a scathing indictment of Stalin’s three dec­ades of oppressive rule, and signalled a huge shift in Soviet dogma—just the sort of invaluable intelligence the C.I.A. was eager to get its hands on. Recognizing the value of what they had, the Israelis quickly delivered the text to U.S. officials. And with this unexpected gift, a mutually beneficial relationship between the resourceful Jewish spies and the American intelligence Leviathan began to take root.

Over the ensuing decades it has expanded into a true working partnership. The two countries have gone as far as to institutionalize their joint spying. The purloined documents released to the press by Edward Snowden, for example, revealed that the N.S.A., the American electronic-intelligence agency that eavesdrops on the world, and Unit 8200, its Israeli counterpart, have an agreement to share the holiest of intelligence holies: raw electronic intercepts. And the two countries inventively worked in tandem, during the administration of George W. Bush and continuing with President Obama, on Operation Olympic Games, creating and disseminating the pernicious computer viruses that succeeded in damaging Iran’s uranium-enrichment centrifuges. American and Israeli spooks have even killed together. In 2008, after President George W. Bush signed off on the operation, the C.I.A. cooperated with agents from the Mossad’s Kidon—the Hebrew word for “bayonet,” an appropriate name for a sharp-edged unit that specializes in what Israeli officials euphemistically call “targeted prevention.” The shared target was Imad Mughniyah, the Hezbollah international operations chief, and any further terrorist acts he’d been planning were quite effectively prevented: Mughniyah was blown to pieces, body parts flying across a Damascus parking lot, as he passed an S.U.V. containing a specially-designed C.I.A. bomb. But like any marriage, the cozy—yet inherently unequal—partnership between the American and Israeli intelligence agencies has had its share of stormy weather. In fact, an irreparable divorce seemed likely in 1985 after it was discovered that Israel was running a very productive agent, Jonathan Pollard, inside U.S. Naval Intelligence. For a difficult period—measured out in years, not months—the American spymasters fumed, and the relationship was more tentative than collaborative.


But spies are by instinct and profession a pragmatic breed, and so by the 1990s the existence of shared enemies, as well as shared threats, worked to foster a reconciliation. Besides, each had something the other needed: Israel had agents buried deep in neighboring Arab countries, producing “HUMINT,” as the jargon of the trade refers to information obtained by human assets. While the U.S. possessed the best technological toys its vast wealth could buy; its “SIGINT,” or signals intelligence, could pick up the chatter in most any souk in the Arab world.

And so by the time of Trump’s election, despite the snarky, rather personal feud between Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Obama, the two countries’ spies were back playing their old tricks. Together they were taking on a rogues’ gallery of common villains: al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Islamic State. “We are the front line,” a high-ranking Israeli military official bragged to me, “in America’s war on terror.” Over recent months, the U.S. intelligence windfall has been particularly bountiful. Israel, according to sources with access to the activities of the Mossad and Unit 8200, has delivered information about Russia’s interaction with the Syrian, Iranian, and Hezbollah forces taking the field in the Syrian civil war. And there is little that gets American military strategists more excited than learning what sort of tactics Russia is employing.

It was against this reassuring backdrop of recent successes and shared history, an Israeli source told Vanity Fair, that a small group of Mossad officers and other Israeli intelligence officials took their seats in a Langley conference room on a January morning just weeks before the inauguration of Donald Trump. The meeting proceeded uneventfully; updates on a variety of ongoing classified operations were dutifully shared. It was only as the meeting was about to break up that an American spymaster solemnly announced there was one more thing: American intelligence agencies had come to believe that Russian president Vladimir Putin had “leverages of pressure” over Trump, he declared without offering further specifics, according to a report in the Israeli press. Israel, the American officials continued, should “be careful” after January 20—the date of Trump’s inauguration. It was possible that sensitive information shared with the White House and the National Security Council could be leaked to the Russians. A moment later the officials added what many of the Israelis had already deduced: it was reasonable to presume that the Kremlin would share some of what they learned with their ally Iran, Israel’s most dangerous adversary.


Currents of alarm and anger raced through those pres­ent at the meeting, says the Israeli source, but their superiors in Israel remained unconvinced—no supporting evidence, after all, had been provided—and chose to ignore the prognostication.

The covert mission into the forbidden plains of northern Syria was a “blue and white” undertaking, as Israel, referring to the colors of its flag, calls ops that are carried out solely by agents of the Jewish state.

Yet—and this is an ironclad operational rule—getting agents in and then swiftly out of enemy territory under the protection of the nighttime darkness can be accomplished only if there is sufficient reconnaissance: the units need to know exactly where to strike, what to expect, what might be out there waiting for them in the shadows. For the mission last winter that targeted a cell of terrorist bombers, according to ABC News, citing American officials, the dangerous groundwork was done by an Israeli spy planted deep inside ISIS territory. Whether he was a double agent Israel had either turned or infiltrated into the ISIS cell, or whether he was simply a local who’d happened to stumble upon some provocative information he realized he could sell—those details remain locked in the secret history of the mission.

What is apparent after interviews with intelligence sources both in Israel and the U.S. is that on the night of the infiltration the helicopters carrying the blue-and-white units came down several miles from their target. Two jeeps bearing Syrian Army markings were unloaded, the men hopped in, and, hearts racing, they drove as if it had been the most natural of patrols into the pre-dawn stillness of an enemy city.

“A shadow unit of ghosts” is what the generals of Aman, Israel’s military-intelligence organization, envisioned when they set up Sayeret Matkal. And on this night the soldiers fanned out like ghosts in the shadows, armed and on protective alert, as the Mossad tech agents did their work.

Again, the operational details are sparse, and even contradictory. One source said the actual room where the ISIS cell would meet was spiked, a tiny marvel of a microphone placed where it would never be noticed. Another maintained that an adjacent telephone junction box had been ingeniously manipulated so that every word spoken in a specific location would be overheard.

The sources agree, however, that the teams got in and out that night, and, even before the returning choppers landed back in Israel, it was confirmed to the jubilant operatives that the audio intercept was already up and running.


Now the waiting began. From an antenna-strewn base near the summit of the Golan Heights, on Israel’s border with Syria, listeners from Unit 8200 monitored the transmissions traveling across the ether from the target in northern Syria. Surveillance is a game played long, but after several wasted days 8200’s analysts were starting to suspect that their colleagues had been misinformed, possibly deliberately, by the source in the field. They were beginning to fear that all the risk had been taken without any genuine prospect of reward.

Then what they’d been waiting for was suddenly coming in loud and clear, according to Israeli sources familiar with the operation: it was, as a sullen spy official described it, “a primer in constructing a terror weapon.” With an unemotional precision, an ISIS soldier detailed how to turn a laptop computer into a terror weapon that could pass through airport security and be carried on board a passenger plane. ISIS had obtained a new way to cause airliners to explode suddenly, free-falling from the sky in flames. When the news of this frightening ISIS lecture arrived at Mossad’s headquarters outside Tel Aviv, officials quickly decided to share the field intelligence with their American counterparts. The urgency of the highly classified information trumped any security misgivings. Still, as one senior Israeli military official suggested, the Israeli decision was also egged on by a professional vanity: they wanted their partners in Washington to marvel at the sort of impossible missions they could pull off.

They did. It was a much-admired, as well as appreciated, gift—and it scared the living hell out of the American spymasters who received it.

On the cloudy spring morning of May 10, just an uneasy day after the president’s sudden firing of F.B.I. director James B. Comey, who had been leading the probe into possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russian operatives, a beaming President Trump huddled in the Oval Office with Sergey Lavrov and Sergey Kislyak.

And, no less improbably, Trump seemed not to notice, or feel restrained by, the unfortunate timing of his conversation with Russian officials who were quite possibly co-conspirators in a plot to undermine the U.S. electoral process. Instead, full of a chummy candor, the president turned to his Russian guests and blithely acknowledged the elephant lurking in the room. “I just fired the head of the F.B.I.,” he said, according to a record of the meeting shared with The New York Times. “He was crazy, a real nut job.” With the sort of gruff pragmatism a Mafia don would use to justify the necessity of a hit, he further explained, “I faced great pressure because of Russia. That’s taken off.” Yet that was only the morning’s perplexing prelude. What had been an unseemly conversation between the president and two high-ranking Russian officials soon turned into something more dangerous.


“I get great intel,” the president suddenly boasted, as prideful as if he were bragging about the amenities at one of his company’s hotels. “I have people brief me on great intel every day.”

He quickly went on to share with representatives of a foreign adversary not only the broad outlines of the plot to turn laptop computers into airborne bombs but also at least one highly classified operational detail—the sort of sensitive, locked-in-the-vault intel that was not shared with even Congress or friendly governments. The president did not name the U.S. partner who had spearheaded the operation. (Journalists, immediately all over the astonishing story, would soon out Israel). But, more problematic, President Trump cavalierly identified the specific city in ISIS-held territory where the threat had been detected.

As for the two Russians, there’s no record of their response. Their silence would be understandable: why interrupt the flow of information? But in their minds, no doubt they were already drafting the cable they’d send to the Kremlin detailing their great espionage coup.

So why? Why did a president who has time after volatile time railed against leakers, who has attacked Hillary Clinton for playing fast and loose with classified information, cozy up to a couple of Russian bigwigs in the Oval Office and breezily offer government secrets?

Any answer is at best conjecture. Yet in the search for an important truth, consider these hypotheses, each of which has its own supporters among past and current members of the U.S. intelligence community.

The first is a bit of armchair psychology. In Trump’s irrepressible way of living in the world, wealth is real only if other people believe you’re rich. If you don’t flaunt it, then you might as well not have it.

So there is the new president, shaky as any bounder might be in the complicated world of international politics, sitting down to a head-to-head with a pair of experienced Russians. How can he impress them? Get them to appreciate that he’s not some lightweight, but rather a genuine player on the world stage?


There’s also the school of thought that the episode is another unfortunate example of Trump’s impressionable worldview being routinely shaped by the last thing he’s heard, be it that morning’s broadcast of Fox & Friends or an intelligence briefing in the Oval Office. As advocates of this theory point out, the president was likely told that one of the issues still on his guests’ minds would be the terrorist explosion back in October 2015 that brought down a Russian passenger plane flying above Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, killing all 224 people on board. With that seed planted in the president’s undisciplined mind, it’s a short leap for him to be off and running to the Russians about what he knew about an ISIS scheme to target passenger aircraft.


Yet there is also a more sinister way to connect all the dots. There are some petulant voices in official Washington who insist that the president’s treachery was deliberate, part of his longtime collaboration with the Russians. It is a true believer’s orthodoxy, one which predicts that the meeting will wind up being one more damning count in an indictment that Robert Mueller, the special counsel, will ultimately nail to the White House door.

But, for now, to bolster their still very circumstantial case, they point to a curiosity surrounding the meeting in the Oval Office—U.S. journalists were kept out. And, no less an oddity, the Russian press was allowed in. It was the photographer from TASS, the state-run Russian news agency, who snapped the only shots that documented the occasion for posterity. Or, for that matter, for the grand jury.

But ultimately it is the actions of men, not their motives, that propel history forward. And the president’s reckless disclosure continues to wreak havoc. On one level, the greatest casualty was trust. The president was already waging a perilous verbal war with the U.S. intelligence agencies. His sharing secrets with the Russians has very likely ground whatever remnants of a working relationship had survived into irreparable pieces. “How can the agency continue to provide the White House with intel,” challenged one former operative, “without wondering where it will wind up?” And he added ominously, “Those leaks to The New York Times and The Washington Post about the investigations into Trump and his cohorts is no accident. Trust me: you don’t want to get into a pissing match with a bunch of spooks. This is war.”

And what about America’s vital intelligence relationships with its allies? Former C.I.A. deputy director Michael Morell publicly worried, “Third countries who provide the United States with intelligence information will now have pause.”

In Israel, though, the mood is more than merely wary. “Mr. Netanyahu’s intelligence chiefs . . . are up in arms,” a prominent Israeli journalist insisted in The New York Times. In recent interviews with Israeli intelligence sources the frequently used operative verb was “whiten”—as in “certain units from now on will whiten their reports before passing them on to agencies in America.”

What further exacerbates Israel’s concerns—“keeps me up at night” was how a government spymaster put it—is that if Trump is handing over Israel’s secrets to the Russians, then he just might as well be delivering them to Iran, Russia’s current regional ally. And it is an expansionist Iran, one Israeli after another was determined to point out in the course of discussions, that is arming Hez­bol­lah with sophisticated rockets and weaponry while at the same time becoming an increasingly visible economic and military presence in Syria.


“Trump betrayed us,” said a senior Israeli military official bluntly, his voice stern with reproach. “And if we can’t trust him, then we’re going to have to do what is necessary on our own if our back is up against the wall with Iran.” Yet while appalled governments are now forced to rethink their tactics in future dealings with a wayward president, there is also the dismaying possibility that a more tangible, and more lethal, consequence has already occurred. “The Russians will undoubtedly try to figure out the source or the method of this information to make sure that it is not also collecting on their activities in Syria—and in trying to do that they could well disrupt the source,” said Michael Morell.

What, then, was the fate of Israel’s agent in Syria? Was the operative exfiltrated to safety? Has he gone to ground in enemy territory? Or was he hunted down and killed? One former Mossad officer with knowledge of the operation and its aftermath will not say. Except to add pointedly, “Whatever happened to him, it’s a hell of price to pay for a president’s
מטעמים
שר תשעת אלפים
תגובות: 9182
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: זונטאג מאי 04, 2014 10:06 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך מטעמים »

סאו טראמפ האט געהרגעט א איזרעלי שפיאן?

די מעשה דארף צו גיין בערך אזוי: טראמפ האט אויס געזאגט סודות פאר קיזליעק און סערגעי און די רוסען האבען עס אויסגעזאגט פאר איראן, איראן האט עס איבערגעגעבען פאר די סירישע מיליטער און זיי האבען געכאפט דעם שפיאן און געהרגעט.

עס איז דא א סך קשיות אויף אזא מעשה:

1. פארוואס זאל זיי טראמפ אויס זאגען דערוועגן? אויב ווילסטו זאגען אז עס איז נאר ווייל ער קען נישט האלטען קיין סוד, זעהסט דאך אז זיינע טעקס ריטוירנס באהאלט ער גאנץ גוט און זיין סוד וויאזוי אפצורוימען אייסיס האט ער אויך נישט אויסגעזאגט און עס איז געלונגען.

2. פארוואס זאלען די רוסען וועלן העלפען איראן? און אזוי ארום ארויסגעבן טראמפ אלס זייער אינסיידער אין אמעריקע, אזוי שטארק לוינט זיך פאר זיי א טובה צו טוהן פאר איראן און אויפגעבן זייער אמעריקאנע שפיאן נאך פאר זיי באקומען מער וויכטיגערע אינפארמאציע ווי למשל איבער אייראפעאישע שפיאנאזש?

3. האט טראמפ עפעס צוריק באקומען פון די רוסען פארען זיי געבען די אינפארמאציע? אויב יא, וואס?

4. אויב האבען אים די רוסען אזוי אפגעטוהן מיטען ארויסגעבן פאר סיריע די איזרעלי שפיאן, פארוואס פרובירט ער נאך צו זיין פוטין׳ס חבר, טראמפ איז נישט אזוי שנעל מוחל פאר ווער עס טשעפעט אים.

5. די איזרעיליס האבען כמעט געהרגעט אבאמא פארען זיי נישט געבן מער לעגעטימעטי ווי פאר די פאלעסטינע, וואלטען די איזרעיליס אזוי שטיל דורעכגעלאזט אזא זאך ווי ארויסגעבן זייער שפיאן?

6. ווענעטי פעיר איז נישט די מערסט קראנטסטע סאורס און זייערע רעפארטס מעג מען ליינען מיט חשד.
האב שכל און גיב א שמייכעל!
קיין נפקמ
שר חמש מאות
תגובות: 723
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג דעצעמבער 06, 2016 10:51 am

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך קיין נפקמ »

בוידעם האט געשריבן:געדענקסט גוט, אבער דאס איז געקומען צו א גענצליכע אפשטעל נאכדעם וואס טראמפ האט קלאר געשטעלט אז פוטין האט אים אליין פארשפראכן אז ער האט גארנישט געטון.

אלזא, מיט די רוסלאנד אויספארשונג אין די זייט געלייגט, געבט זיך מוללער אפ מיט ארומיגע זאכן.


זאגסט שטארק. אזוי לאנג ווי דו און איך ווייסן ביידע מיין ארגומענט שטערט מיך נישט די סארקאסיזם
אוועטאר
כאניש וואס צו טון
שר עשרים אלף
תגובות: 22317
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: מאנטאג סעפטעמבער 04, 2017 6:18 pm
לאקאציע: אפן וועג צום ארבייט
פארבינד זיך:

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך כאניש וואס צו טון »

סאבסיטוט האט געשריבן:די פול ברעיקינג ניוז שאקינג רעפארט

Exclusive: What Trump Really Told Kislyak After Comey Was Canned

During a May 10 meeting in the Oval Office, the president betrayed his intelligence community by leaking the content of a classified, and highly sensitive, Israeli intelligence operation to two high-ranking Russian envoys, Sergey Kislyak and Sergey Lavrov. This is what he told them—and the ramifications.

On a dark night at the tail end of last winter, just a month after the inauguration of the new American president, an evening when only a sickle moon hung in the Levantine sky, two Israeli Sikorsky CH-53 helicopters flew low across Jordan and then, staying under the radar, veered north toward the twisting ribbon of shadows that was the Euphrates River. On board, waiting with a professional stillness as they headed into the hostile heart of Syria, were Sayeret Matkal commandos, the Jewish state’s elite counterterrorism force, along with members of the technological unit of the Mossad, its foreign-espionage agency. Their target: an ISIS cell that was racing to get a deadly new weapon thought to have been devised by Ibrahim al-Asiri, the Saudi national who was al-Qaeda’s master bombmaker in Yemen.


It was a covert mission whose details were reconstructed for Vanity Fair by two experts on Israeli intelligence operations. It would lead to the unnerving discovery that ISIS terrorists were working on transforming laptop computers into bombs that could pass undetected through airport security. U.S. Homeland Security officials—quickly followed by British authorities—banned passengers traveling from an accusatory list of Muslim-majority countries from carrying laptops and other portable electronic devices larger than a cell phone on arriving planes. It would not be until four tense months later, as foreign airports began to comply with new, stringent American security directives, that the ban would be lifted on an airport-by-airport basis.

In the secretive corridors of the American espionage community, the Israeli mission was praised by knowledgeable officials as a casebook example of a valued ally’s hard-won field intelligence being put to good, arguably even lifesaving, use.

Yet this triumph would be overshadowed by an astonishing conversation in the Oval Office in May, when an intemperate President Trump revealed details about the classified mission to Russia’s foreign minister, Sergey V. Lavrov, and Sergey I. Kislyak, then Russia’s ambassador to the U.S. Along with the tempest of far-reaching geopolitical consequences that raged as a result of the president’s disclosure, fresh blood was spilled in his long-running combative relationship with the nation’s clandestine services. Israel—as well as America’s other allies—would rethink its willingness to share raw intelligence, and pretty much the entire Free World was left shaking its collective head in bewilderment as it wondered, not for the first time, what was going on with Trump and Russia. (In fact, Trump’s disturbing choice to hand over highly sensitive intelligence to the Russians is now a focus of special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Trump’s relationship with Russia, both before and after the election.) In the hand-wringing aftermath, the entire event became, as is so often the case with spy stories, a tale about trust and betrayal.

And yet, the Israelis cannot say they weren’t warned.

In the American-Israeli intelligence relationship, it is customary for the Mossad station chief and his operatives working under diplomatic cover out of the embassy in Washington to go to the C.I.A.’s Langley, Virginia, headquarters when a meeting is scheduled. This deferential protocol is based on a realistic appraisal of the situation: America is a superpower, and Israel, as one of the country’s senior intelligence officials recently conceded with self-effacing candor, is “a speck of dust in the wind.”


Nevertheless, over the years the Israeli dust has been sprinkled with flecks of pure intel gold. It was back in 1956, when the Cold War was running hot, that Israeli diplomats in Warsaw managed to get their hands on the text of Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev’s top-secret speech to the Twentieth Party Congress in Moscow. Khrushchev’s startling words were a scathing indictment of Stalin’s three dec­ades of oppressive rule, and signalled a huge shift in Soviet dogma—just the sort of invaluable intelligence the C.I.A. was eager to get its hands on. Recognizing the value of what they had, the Israelis quickly delivered the text to U.S. officials. And with this unexpected gift, a mutually beneficial relationship between the resourceful Jewish spies and the American intelligence Leviathan began to take root.

Over the ensuing decades it has expanded into a true working partnership. The two countries have gone as far as to institutionalize their joint spying. The purloined documents released to the press by Edward Snowden, for example, revealed that the N.S.A., the American electronic-intelligence agency that eavesdrops on the world, and Unit 8200, its Israeli counterpart, have an agreement to share the holiest of intelligence holies: raw electronic intercepts. And the two countries inventively worked in tandem, during the administration of George W. Bush and continuing with President Obama, on Operation Olympic Games, creating and disseminating the pernicious computer viruses that succeeded in damaging Iran’s uranium-enrichment centrifuges. American and Israeli spooks have even killed together. In 2008, after President George W. Bush signed off on the operation, the C.I.A. cooperated with agents from the Mossad’s Kidon—the Hebrew word for “bayonet,” an appropriate name for a sharp-edged unit that specializes in what Israeli officials euphemistically call “targeted prevention.” The shared target was Imad Mughniyah, the Hezbollah international operations chief, and any further terrorist acts he’d been planning were quite effectively prevented: Mughniyah was blown to pieces, body parts flying across a Damascus parking lot, as he passed an S.U.V. containing a specially-designed C.I.A. bomb. But like any marriage, the cozy—yet inherently unequal—partnership between the American and Israeli intelligence agencies has had its share of stormy weather. In fact, an irreparable divorce seemed likely in 1985 after it was discovered that Israel was running a very productive agent, Jonathan Pollard, inside U.S. Naval Intelligence. For a difficult period—measured out in years, not months—the American spymasters fumed, and the relationship was more tentative than collaborative.


But spies are by instinct and profession a pragmatic breed, and so by the 1990s the existence of shared enemies, as well as shared threats, worked to foster a reconciliation. Besides, each had something the other needed: Israel had agents buried deep in neighboring Arab countries, producing “HUMINT,” as the jargon of the trade refers to information obtained by human assets. While the U.S. possessed the best technological toys its vast wealth could buy; its “SIGINT,” or signals intelligence, could pick up the chatter in most any souk in the Arab world.

And so by the time of Trump’s election, despite the snarky, rather personal feud between Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Obama, the two countries’ spies were back playing their old tricks. Together they were taking on a rogues’ gallery of common villains: al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Islamic State. “We are the front line,” a high-ranking Israeli military official bragged to me, “in America’s war on terror.” Over recent months, the U.S. intelligence windfall has been particularly bountiful. Israel, according to sources with access to the activities of the Mossad and Unit 8200, has delivered information about Russia’s interaction with the Syrian, Iranian, and Hezbollah forces taking the field in the Syrian civil war. And there is little that gets American military strategists more excited than learning what sort of tactics Russia is employing.

It was against this reassuring backdrop of recent successes and shared history, an Israeli source told Vanity Fair, that a small group of Mossad officers and other Israeli intelligence officials took their seats in a Langley conference room on a January morning just weeks before the inauguration of Donald Trump. The meeting proceeded uneventfully; updates on a variety of ongoing classified operations were dutifully shared. It was only as the meeting was about to break up that an American spymaster solemnly announced there was one more thing: American intelligence agencies had come to believe that Russian president Vladimir Putin had “leverages of pressure” over Trump, he declared without offering further specifics, according to a report in the Israeli press. Israel, the American officials continued, should “be careful” after January 20—the date of Trump’s inauguration. It was possible that sensitive information shared with the White House and the National Security Council could be leaked to the Russians. A moment later the officials added what many of the Israelis had already deduced: it was reasonable to presume that the Kremlin would share some of what they learned with their ally Iran, Israel’s most dangerous adversary.


Currents of alarm and anger raced through those pres­ent at the meeting, says the Israeli source, but their superiors in Israel remained unconvinced—no supporting evidence, after all, had been provided—and chose to ignore the prognostication.

The covert mission into the forbidden plains of northern Syria was a “blue and white” undertaking, as Israel, referring to the colors of its flag, calls ops that are carried out solely by agents of the Jewish state.

Yet—and this is an ironclad operational rule—getting agents in and then swiftly out of enemy territory under the protection of the nighttime darkness can be accomplished only if there is sufficient reconnaissance: the units need to know exactly where to strike, what to expect, what might be out there waiting for them in the shadows. For the mission last winter that targeted a cell of terrorist bombers, according to ABC News, citing American officials, the dangerous groundwork was done by an Israeli spy planted deep inside ISIS territory. Whether he was a double agent Israel had either turned or infiltrated into the ISIS cell, or whether he was simply a local who’d happened to stumble upon some provocative information he realized he could sell—those details remain locked in the secret history of the mission.

What is apparent after interviews with intelligence sources both in Israel and the U.S. is that on the night of the infiltration the helicopters carrying the blue-and-white units came down several miles from their target. Two jeeps bearing Syrian Army markings were unloaded, the men hopped in, and, hearts racing, they drove as if it had been the most natural of patrols into the pre-dawn stillness of an enemy city.

“A shadow unit of ghosts” is what the generals of Aman, Israel’s military-intelligence organization, envisioned when they set up Sayeret Matkal. And on this night the soldiers fanned out like ghosts in the shadows, armed and on protective alert, as the Mossad tech agents did their work.

Again, the operational details are sparse, and even contradictory. One source said the actual room where the ISIS cell would meet was spiked, a tiny marvel of a microphone placed where it would never be noticed. Another maintained that an adjacent telephone junction box had been ingeniously manipulated so that every word spoken in a specific location would be overheard.

The sources agree, however, that the teams got in and out that night, and, even before the returning choppers landed back in Israel, it was confirmed to the jubilant operatives that the audio intercept was already up and running.


Now the waiting began. From an antenna-strewn base near the summit of the Golan Heights, on Israel’s border with Syria, listeners from Unit 8200 monitored the transmissions traveling across the ether from the target in northern Syria. Surveillance is a game played long, but after several wasted days 8200’s analysts were starting to suspect that their colleagues had been misinformed, possibly deliberately, by the source in the field. They were beginning to fear that all the risk had been taken without any genuine prospect of reward.

Then what they’d been waiting for was suddenly coming in loud and clear, according to Israeli sources familiar with the operation: it was, as a sullen spy official described it, “a primer in constructing a terror weapon.” With an unemotional precision, an ISIS soldier detailed how to turn a laptop computer into a terror weapon that could pass through airport security and be carried on board a passenger plane. ISIS had obtained a new way to cause airliners to explode suddenly, free-falling from the sky in flames. When the news of this frightening ISIS lecture arrived at Mossad’s headquarters outside Tel Aviv, officials quickly decided to share the field intelligence with their American counterparts. The urgency of the highly classified information trumped any security misgivings. Still, as one senior Israeli military official suggested, the Israeli decision was also egged on by a professional vanity: they wanted their partners in Washington to marvel at the sort of impossible missions they could pull off.

They did. It was a much-admired, as well as appreciated, gift—and it scared the living hell out of the American spymasters who received it.

On the cloudy spring morning of May 10, just an uneasy day after the president’s sudden firing of F.B.I. director James B. Comey, who had been leading the probe into possible collusion between the Trump campaign and Russian operatives, a beaming President Trump huddled in the Oval Office with Sergey Lavrov and Sergey Kislyak.

And, no less improbably, Trump seemed not to notice, or feel restrained by, the unfortunate timing of his conversation with Russian officials who were quite possibly co-conspirators in a plot to undermine the U.S. electoral process. Instead, full of a chummy candor, the president turned to his Russian guests and blithely acknowledged the elephant lurking in the room. “I just fired the head of the F.B.I.,” he said, according to a record of the meeting shared with The New York Times. “He was crazy, a real nut job.” With the sort of gruff pragmatism a Mafia don would use to justify the necessity of a hit, he further explained, “I faced great pressure because of Russia. That’s taken off.” Yet that was only the morning’s perplexing prelude. What had been an unseemly conversation between the president and two high-ranking Russian officials soon turned into something more dangerous.


“I get great intel,” the president suddenly boasted, as prideful as if he were bragging about the amenities at one of his company’s hotels. “I have people brief me on great intel every day.”

He quickly went on to share with representatives of a foreign adversary not only the broad outlines of the plot to turn laptop computers into airborne bombs but also at least one highly classified operational detail—the sort of sensitive, locked-in-the-vault intel that was not shared with even Congress or friendly governments. The president did not name the U.S. partner who had spearheaded the operation. (Journalists, immediately all over the astonishing story, would soon out Israel). But, more problematic, President Trump cavalierly identified the specific city in ISIS-held territory where the threat had been detected.

As for the two Russians, there’s no record of their response. Their silence would be understandable: why interrupt the flow of information? But in their minds, no doubt they were already drafting the cable they’d send to the Kremlin detailing their great espionage coup.

So why? Why did a president who has time after volatile time railed against leakers, who has attacked Hillary Clinton for playing fast and loose with classified information, cozy up to a couple of Russian bigwigs in the Oval Office and breezily offer government secrets?

Any answer is at best conjecture. Yet in the search for an important truth, consider these hypotheses, each of which has its own supporters among past and current members of the U.S. intelligence community.

The first is a bit of armchair psychology. In Trump’s irrepressible way of living in the world, wealth is real only if other people believe you’re rich. If you don’t flaunt it, then you might as well not have it.

So there is the new president, shaky as any bounder might be in the complicated world of international politics, sitting down to a head-to-head with a pair of experienced Russians. How can he impress them? Get them to appreciate that he’s not some lightweight, but rather a genuine player on the world stage?


There’s also the school of thought that the episode is another unfortunate example of Trump’s impressionable worldview being routinely shaped by the last thing he’s heard, be it that morning’s broadcast of Fox & Friends or an intelligence briefing in the Oval Office. As advocates of this theory point out, the president was likely told that one of the issues still on his guests’ minds would be the terrorist explosion back in October 2015 that brought down a Russian passenger plane flying above Egypt’s Sinai Peninsula, killing all 224 people on board. With that seed planted in the president’s undisciplined mind, it’s a short leap for him to be off and running to the Russians about what he knew about an ISIS scheme to target passenger aircraft.


Yet there is also a more sinister way to connect all the dots. There are some petulant voices in official Washington who insist that the president’s treachery was deliberate, part of his longtime collaboration with the Russians. It is a true believer’s orthodoxy, one which predicts that the meeting will wind up being one more damning count in an indictment that Robert Mueller, the special counsel, will ultimately nail to the White House door.

But, for now, to bolster their still very circumstantial case, they point to a curiosity surrounding the meeting in the Oval Office—U.S. journalists were kept out. And, no less an oddity, the Russian press was allowed in. It was the photographer from TASS, the state-run Russian news agency, who snapped the only shots that documented the occasion for posterity. Or, for that matter, for the grand jury.

But ultimately it is the actions of men, not their motives, that propel history forward. And the president’s reckless disclosure continues to wreak havoc. On one level, the greatest casualty was trust. The president was already waging a perilous verbal war with the U.S. intelligence agencies. His sharing secrets with the Russians has very likely ground whatever remnants of a working relationship had survived into irreparable pieces. “How can the agency continue to provide the White House with intel,” challenged one former operative, “without wondering where it will wind up?” And he added ominously, “Those leaks to The New York Times and The Washington Post about the investigations into Trump and his cohorts is no accident. Trust me: you don’t want to get into a pissing match with a bunch of spooks. This is war.”

And what about America’s vital intelligence relationships with its allies? Former C.I.A. deputy director Michael Morell publicly worried, “Third countries who provide the United States with intelligence information will now have pause.”

In Israel, though, the mood is more than merely wary. “Mr. Netanyahu’s intelligence chiefs . . . are up in arms,” a prominent Israeli journalist insisted in The New York Times. In recent interviews with Israeli intelligence sources the frequently used operative verb was “whiten”—as in “certain units from now on will whiten their reports before passing them on to agencies in America.”

What further exacerbates Israel’s concerns—“keeps me up at night” was how a government spymaster put it—is that if Trump is handing over Israel’s secrets to the Russians, then he just might as well be delivering them to Iran, Russia’s current regional ally. And it is an expansionist Iran, one Israeli after another was determined to point out in the course of discussions, that is arming Hez­bol­lah with sophisticated rockets and weaponry while at the same time becoming an increasingly visible economic and military presence in Syria.


“Trump betrayed us,” said a senior Israeli military official bluntly, his voice stern with reproach. “And if we can’t trust him, then we’re going to have to do what is necessary on our own if our back is up against the wall with Iran.” Yet while appalled governments are now forced to rethink their tactics in future dealings with a wayward president, there is also the dismaying possibility that a more tangible, and more lethal, consequence has already occurred. “The Russians will undoubtedly try to figure out the source or the method of this information to make sure that it is not also collecting on their activities in Syria—and in trying to do that they could well disrupt the source,” said Michael Morell.

What, then, was the fate of Israel’s agent in Syria? Was the operative exfiltrated to safety? Has he gone to ground in enemy territory? Or was he hunted down and killed? One former Mossad officer with knowledge of the operation and its aftermath will not say. Except to add pointedly, “Whatever happened to him, it’s a hell of price to pay for a president’s

יוייייייייייייייייייייייייייייייייייייייייייי................
כווער דיזי פון טרייען צו ליינען אזא לאנגע ענגלישע תגובה.......
לעצט פארראכטן דורך כאניש וואס צו טון אום דאנערשטאג נאוועמבער 23, 2017 1:47 pm, פארראכטן געווארן 1 מאל.
די לעכטיגע טעג זענען שוין נענטער ווי ווייטער!
אוועטאר
פרוביר אויך
שר האלפיים
תגובות: 2565
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג יולי 09, 2013 11:02 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך פרוביר אויך »

סאבסיטוט האט געשריבן:בוםםםםם

an Israeli source tells Vanity Fair, that a small group of Mossad officers and other Israeli intelligence officials took their seats in a Langley conference room on a January morning just weeks before the inauguration of Donald Trump.

The meeting proceeded uneventfully; updates on a variety of ongoing classified operations were dutifully shared. It was only as the meeting was about to break up that an American spymaster solemnly announced there was one more thing: American intelligence agencies had come to believe that Russian president Vladimir Putin had “leverages of pressure” over Trump, he declared without offering further specifics, according to a report in the Israeli press. Israel, the American officials continued, should “be careful” after January 20—the date of Trump’s inauguration. It was possible that sensitive information shared with the White House and the National Security Council could be leaked to the Russians.

A moment later the officials added what many of the Israelis had already deduced: it was reasonable to presume that the Kremlin would share some of what they learned with their ally Iran, Israel’s most dangerous adversary.

Currents of alarm and anger raced through those pres­ent at the meeting, says the Israeli source, but their superiors in Israel remained unconvinced and chose to ignore the prognostication

old story
viewtopic.php?p=1443187#p1443187
אז יענער קען קענסטו אויך
אוועטאר
יש ברירה
שר עשרת אלפים
תגובות: 11597
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: מאנטאג אוגוסט 17, 2015 3:44 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך יש ברירה »

די אדוואקאטן וועלכע פארטרעטן מייק פלין האבן אפגעהאקט זייערע באציאונגען מיט די טראמפ לעגאלע טיעם און געמאלדן פאר די טראמפ טיעם אז זיי קענען מער נישט דיסקוסירן מיט זיי די דעטאלן פונעם אינוועסטיגאציע

די זאך ווערט אויסגעטיישט אלס א מעגליכע סיגנאל אז פלין קאפארירט מיט די מולער אויספארשונג קעגן דעם פרעזידענט
שליו ודגים
שר האלפיים
תגובות: 2313
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: מאנטאג מאי 29, 2017 11:00 am

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך שליו ודגים »

סאו ענדליך גייט מען שוין געוואויר ווערן וואס די קאלוזשען איז געווען און וואס מ'האט אפגעמאכט צווישן זיך וואס טראמפ געט פאר אוסלאנד אין אויסטויש ????????


אדער גייט מען נאכאמאל הערן אז מענעפארטס לאבינג קאמפעני האט גערעדט מיט אקצענט רוסישע מעטשן ?..................
abeg
שר שבעת אלפים
תגובות: 7625
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג סעפטעמבער 20, 2016 3:43 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך abeg »

[code][/code]
יש ברירה האט געשריבן:די אדוואקאטן וועלכע פארטרעטן מייק פלין האבן אפגעהאקט זייערע באציאונגען מיט די טראמפ לעגאלע טיעם און געמאלדן פאר די טראמפ טיעם אז זיי קענען מער נישט דיסקוסירן מיט זיי די דעטאלן פונעם אינוועסטיגאציע

די זאך ווערט אויסגעטיישט אלס א מעגליכע סיגנאל אז פלין קאפארירט מיט די מולער אויספארשונג קעגן דעם פרעזידענט

איין מאהל זאכן ווערן אויסגעטיישט קען יעדער אויסטייטשען וואס ער וויל
א פייער ברענט אין הארץ פון א יוד

שריי אויס בקול רם
בחר בנו מכל עם
א זכיה צו זיין א יוד
לא לנו
שר האלפיים
תגובות: 2005
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג מארטש 10, 2015 12:16 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך לא לנו »

1.png
1.png (10.08 KiB) געזען 1716 מאל
2.png
2.png (35.79 KiB) געזען 1716 מאל
אוועטאר
טשאדעלע באדעלע
שר תשעת אלפים
תגובות: 9083
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: זונטאג יולי 09, 2017 5:29 pm
לאקאציע: לי עוועניו קארנער מאנסי בלוד.

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך טשאדעלע באדעלע »

לא לנו האט געשריבן:
1.png
2.png

זע זענען אויפן זעלבן פעידש מיט פיינע נייעס..
רשעות קאלטע סעלצער
קיין נפקמ
שר חמש מאות
תגובות: 723
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג דעצעמבער 06, 2016 10:51 am

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך קיין נפקמ »

לא לנו האט געשריבן:
1.png
2.png


אזוי אויך אלע דעמס, זיי האבן קודם אנגענימען דאס אלס א פאקט און דערנאך פרובירט צו טרעפן פרוף אויף דעם פאקט
עס איז מיר גיט
שר חמישים ומאתים
תגובות: 360
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דאנערשטאג יולי 27, 2017 4:40 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך עס איז מיר גיט »

לא לנו האט געשריבן:
1.png
2.png

האסט געהאט א ספק און דעם?
אוועטאר
טשאדעלע באדעלע
שר תשעת אלפים
תגובות: 9083
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: זונטאג יולי 09, 2017 5:29 pm
לאקאציע: לי עוועניו קארנער מאנסי בלוד.

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך טשאדעלע באדעלע »

אונעם זעלבן די צייטונג, מיטוואך ביפאר די וואלן
בילד
רשעות קאלטע סעלצער
אוועטאר
טשאדעלע באדעלע
שר תשעת אלפים
תגובות: 9083
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: זונטאג יולי 09, 2017 5:29 pm
לאקאציע: לי עוועניו קארנער מאנסי בלוד.

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך טשאדעלע באדעלע »

טשאדעלע באדעלע האט געשריבן:אונעם זעלבן די צייטונג, מיטוואך ביפאר די וואלן
בילד


https://www.dropbox.com/s/741qp0sb2c10u ... M.jpg?dl=0
רשעות קאלטע סעלצער
הצדיק
שר האלף
תגובות: 1733
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: פרייטאג אוגוסט 05, 2016 9:52 am

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך הצדיק »

;l;p-
טשאדעלע באדעלע האט געשריבן:
טשאדעלע באדעלע האט געשריבן:אונעם זעלבן די צייטונג, מיטוואך ביפאר די וואלן
בילד


https://www.dropbox.com/s/741qp0sb2c10u ... M.jpg?dl=0
אוועטאר
כאפצעם
שר עשרת אלפים
תגובות: 18240
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דאנערשטאג יולי 10, 2014 9:28 am
לאקאציע: לויפט

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך כאפצעם »

ברעיקינג:

מייקל פלין אנגעקלאגט.
abeg
שר שבעת אלפים
תגובות: 7625
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג סעפטעמבער 20, 2016 3:43 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך abeg »

כאפצעם האט געשריבן:ברעיקינג:

מייקל פלין אנגעקלאגט.

װײטער גארנישט מיט די רוסלאנד העקינג
א פייער ברענט אין הארץ פון א יוד

שריי אויס בקול רם
בחר בנו מכל עם
א זכיה צו זיין א יוד
abeg
שר שבעת אלפים
תגובות: 7625
זיך איינגעשריבן אום: דינסטאג סעפטעמבער 20, 2016 3:43 pm

  • ציטיר
  • צו לייגן א דאנק דארפט איר זיין אריינגעלאגט

תגובה דורך abeg »

Thats it what thy have on him just 1 charge?
Michael Flynn charged with making false statement to FBI
א פייער ברענט אין הארץ פון א יוד

שריי אויס בקול רם
בחר בנו מכל עם
א זכיה צו זיין א יוד
שרייב תגובה

צוריק צו “פאליטישע נייעס”